By Abdul Hannan
In the political landscape of post-independent India, the term ‘Muslim appeasement’ has become a recurrent theme, dominating electoral discourse and shaping perceptions about the minority community. However, the stark reality paints a different picture, revealing that despite being a favorite topic among politicians, the Muslim minority finds itself marginalized and grappling with socio-economic challenges.
This article delves into the prevalent myths surrounding Indian Muslims, focusing on key narratives such as the population myth, misconceptions about polygamy, biased institutionalized criminality, and educational disparities. By critically examining these narratives, we aim to unravel the layers of misinformation that contribute to the demonization of Indian Muslims.
The population myth, often centered around the so-called ‘Muslim rate of growth,’ has been instrumentalized to stoke majoritarian fears. Contrary to these narratives, demographic data, including the Sachar Committee Report, points towards a nuanced understanding of population dynamics, challenging the notion of an unchecked demographic surge within the Muslim community.
Another prevalent myth revolves around polygamy, portraying Muslims as engaging in the practice solely for population growth. By exploring legal judgments and empirical studies, we aim to dispel misconceptions and highlight the actual prevalence of polygamous marriages across different communities in India. The biased institutionalized criminality narrative, particularly evident in prison statistics and law enforcement perceptions, underscores the need to address discriminatory practices that disproportionately affect the Muslim community. Additionally, we delve into the challenges faced by Indian Muslims in the education sector, as documented by reports such as the Sachar Committee Report, shedding light on disparities that hinder socio-economic progress.
Through this exploration, we aim to foster a more nuanced and informed understanding of the realities faced by Indian Muslims, challenging the prevailing narratives that contribute to their marginalization. By deconstructing these myths, we hope to pave the way for constructive dialogue, fostering inclusivity and debunking stereotypes that hinder the path to a more equitable society.
Population Myth:
The distorted interpretation of population data by right-wing factions has given rise to myths surrounding the ‘Muslim rate of growth,’ often exploited to instigate majoritarian fears and create anxiety about a demographic imbalance. The issue of population explosion gained prominence in 2019 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi addressed it in his Independence Day speech. Despite Modi’s usual celebration of India’s ‘demographic dividend,’ he expressed concern about a perceived reckless population explosion, urging government intervention. The Sachar Committee Report (2006) acknowledged ongoing demographic transitions, projecting continued population growth in India before stabilizing and declining for all communities, including Muslims. By the end of the twenty-first century, the Muslim population in India was forecasted to reach 320-40 million in a total population of 1.7 to 1.8 billion, equating to a share of 18 to 19 percent. This projection challenges the narrative that Muslim population growth would surpass that of Hindus. Global trends indicate a slowdown in Muslim population growth, aligning with average demographic patterns. Muslim fertility rates (2.3) have declined faster than other communities, approaching replacement level fertility (TFR=2.1), as confirmed by surveys such as the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5). The Pew Research Centre (PRC) projected that by 2050, in a total population of 1.7 billion, Hindus would constitute 76.6 percent (1.3 billion), while the Indian Muslim population would be 310.66 million, accounting for 18.4 percent. The study indicates that Muslim population growth will reach a maximum of 18.4 percent and will not surpass the Hindu population. In response to an author’s request, distinguished mathematicians, Professor Dinesh Singh and Professor Ajay Kumar, devised a Mathematical Model conclusively demonstrating that the Muslim population will not exceed the Hindu population.
Myth about Polygamy:
Polygamy, the practice of having multiple spouses simultaneously, is prohibited in India, except for Muslims and some tribal communities, following their customary laws. The misinformation campaign surrounding polygamy alleges that Muslims have multiple wives to increase their number of children. Muslims in the country adhere to the terms of the Muslim Personal Law (Shariat) Application Act of 1937, interpreted by the All-India Muslim Personal Law Board. However, a February 2015 judgment by the Supreme Court of India declared that ‘Polygamy was not an integral or fundamental part of the Muslim religion,’ and monogamy was a reform within the state’s power under article 25. This ruling clarified that while personal law permits Muslim men to have up to four wives, the fundamental right to profess Islam does not include the practice of polygamy. The only comprehensive study on polygamy, conducted by the Committee on the Status of Women in India in 1974, revealed that polygamy was not exclusive to Muslims but prevalent among all communities. Notably, the study found that Muslims were the least polygamous among all groups.
Figures from three decadal Censuses, spanning 1931 to 1960, confirm that polygamy exists across all communities, is declining among them, and is notably least prevalent among Muslims (figure 1.1). Despite the Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 imposing a ban on polygamy for Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains, subsequent numbers may have changed over the years. The Committee on the Status of Women in India’s 1974 report was the last comprehensive examination of polygamous marriages in India.
Figure 1:- Incidence of polygamous marriages lowest among Muslims
Source: Towards Equality: Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, 1974, Ministry of Social Welfare.
The trends observed through three decadal Censuses, spanning from 1931 to 1960, confirm that polygamy exists across all communities, is declining among them, and, significantly, is least prevalent among Muslims (refer to figure 1.1). The Hindu Marriage Act of 1955 imposed a ban on polygamy for Hindus, Sikhs, Buddhists, and Jains. Therefore, it is plausible that the numbers have changed in the years and generations since then. However, the Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, 1974, Ministry of Social Welfare, was the last comprehensive examination of polygamous marriages in India
Figure (1.1) Polygamous marriages in India lowest among Muslims
Conversion as a ploy to remarry: Polygamy has been a longstanding practice in India, irrespective of religious affiliations, and has often been more culturally rooted than religious. Despite Muslims being stereotypically portrayed as polygamous, polygamy is not exclusive to them; many non-Muslims also engage in polygamous relationships, sometimes by converting to Islam to circumvent legal obstacles. The issue of conversion has been scrutinized by the Supreme Court and the Law Commission of India, led by Justice Lakshmanan. High courts have exposed instances of married men, governed by personal laws prohibiting bigamy, resorting to the unethical practice of converting to Islam to contract a second bigamous marriage. This is done under the belief that religious conversion allows them to marry again without dissolving their first marriage, as highlighted in cases such as Sarla Mudgal v. Union of India (AIR 1995, SC 1531) and reaffirmed in Lily Thomas v. Union of India (2000) 6 SCC 224.
There is also a societal trend to employ legal maneuvers to evade the application of Indian Penal Code (IPC) provisions. Some of these strategies include deliberately incomplete and ‘defective’ marriage ceremonies, non-marital cohabitation by married individuals, or a fraudulent change of religion. Biased construction of Muslim criminalization: According to the National Crime Record Bureau (NCRB) report of 2016 on Prison Statistics in India, about two-thirds of prison inmates are undertrials. Additionally, individuals from marginalized backgrounds, including those from Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Muslim communities, face a higher likelihood of receiving capital punishment. Media reports regularly highlight criminal cases filed against Muslims without apparent criminal involvement, leading to calls for economic boycotts against them. Terms like ‘Corona Jihad,’ ‘Love Jihad,’ ‘Economic Jihad,’ ‘UPSC Jihad,’ and ‘Land Jihad’ contribute to an increasing bias against the entire Muslim community, portraying them simultaneously as victims and supposed victimizers.
Recent data from the NCRB report of 2021 indicate that more than 30% of detenues in Indian prisons were Muslim, despite constituting only 14.2% of the population according to the Census 2011. The ‘Status of Policing in India Report 2019,’ prepared by Common Cause and Lokniti-CSDS, revealed a concerning bias among police personnel. About half of the surveyed police personnel believed that Muslims are naturally prone to committing crimes. This sentiment was more pronounced in states like Uttarakhand, Jharkhand, Maharashtra, and Bihar, where about two-thirds or more of the police personnel held the opinion that the Muslim community is naturally prone to commit crimes. Recent reports also highlight that two-thirds of prisoners in India are undertrials, with a disproportionate representation of individuals from marginalized sections and communities, including Muslims, Dalits, Adivasis/tribals, non-literate, and the poor.
Figure (1.2) : One in two police personnel feels that Muslims are likely to be “naturally prone” towards committing crimes (%)
Condition of Muslims in the Education Sector:
Education is essential for the development of mankind and for the socio-economic, religious, and cultural advancement of a society. It generates human capital crucial for the economic, scientific, and technological progress of a nation. Every faith and religion worldwide emphasize the importance of education without opposition. Studies conducted by prominent scholars and government reports reveal that Muslims constitute one of the most backward communities in India. The Gopal Panel Report of 1983 provides substantial documented evidence demonstrating that Muslims rate significantly lower than other communities across all indices, including income, health, education, and employment.
On March 9, 2005, the Prime Minister issued a notification for the establishment of a High-Level Committee to prepare a report on the social, economic, and educational status of the Muslim community in India. Chaired by Justice Rajindar Sachar, the seven-member High-Level Committee submitted its final report to the Prime Minister on November 17, 2006. The literacy rate among Muslims in 2001 was 59.1%, below the national average of 64.8%, with the largest gap observed in urban areas. In many states, Muslim literacy levels were higher than those of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). Regarding higher education, according to the 2001 Census, 7% of the population aged 20 years and above are graduates or hold diplomas, while only 4% among the Muslim population do. The Committee’s report notes that the gap between Muslims and other Socio-Religious Categories (SRCs) increases as the level of education rises, and the unemployment rates among Muslim graduates are the highest among SRCs, both among the poor and the non-poor. The education level of Muslim women is even lower than that of men. Only 53.7% of Muslim women have completed standard six or higher, and 34.6% of Muslim women cannot read at all, which is the highest among all religious groups. The percentage literate is only 64.2%, the lowest in this category.
Figure 1.3 :- Literacy levels lowest among Muslim women
According to the Sachar Committee report, 66 percent of Muslim children in the age group of 7–16 years attend government schools, while only 30 percent enroll in private schools. The remaining 4 percent attend madrasas. Schools existing in Muslim neighborhoods serve as centers of low-quality education for the poor and marginalized, showcasing evidence of discrimination against both Muslim teachers and students. Despite Muslims constituting 14 percent of the Indian population, the proportion of Muslim students in Indian colleges is only 5.23 percent, and in institutes of national importance, it is merely 2.19 percent. Similarly, the percentage of Muslim faculty in Indian colleges is 5.35 percent, and in institutes of national importance, it is 2.88 percent.
The publication of the Sachar Committee report in 2006 provided a new perspective on the concept of Muslim appeasement. It underscored the social, economic, and educational backwardness and marginalization of Indian Muslims. While the idea of Muslim appeasement remains a favorite topic among politicians, the minority itself has been pushed to the margins and is now struggling for survival, as various socioeconomic indicators indicate. Numerous scholars, academicians, organizations, political parties, NGOs, etc., have expressed disappointment over the non-implementation of the Sachar Committee Report’s findings. At times, they have highlighted the ineffectiveness of the schemes designed for its implementation. Justice Rajinder Sachar is dissatisfied and has demanded a ‘white paper’ on the current condition of the Muslim community since he submitted the report. He further stated, ‘After receiving the report, the Central government had made too much publicity that it would implement the report. But the fact is that it has not taken any concrete steps to implement the recommendations.’
The allocation for the education scheme for madrasas and minorities in the Union Budget for 2023-24 has decreased from Rs. 160 crore in the 2022-23 Union Budget to Rs. 10 crore in the 2023-24 Union Budget. A child rights NGO also alleged that the massive reduction of 69.61 percent for the pre-matric scholarship for minorities raises concerns about the education of children belonging to minority communities. Last year, the Union government announced the discontinuation of the Maulana Azad National Fellowship (MANF) scheme and restricted the pre-matric scholarship scheme meant for backward and minority communities to students of Classes 9 and 10. This decision by the Narendra Modi government led to an instant uproar from students, researchers, and academics from minority communities.
In conclusion, the prevailing myths surrounding Indian Muslims, such as the population myth, polygamy, biased criminalization, and educational disparities, are part of a systematic machinery that works consistently to create a distorted narrative. These myths, often fueled by stereotypes and oversimplified mantras, contribute to the demonization of Indian Muslims.
The population myth, suggesting a rapid increase in the Muslim population leading to a demographic inversion, lacks mathematical support and is baseless. The unfounded propaganda that Muslims have multiple wives to boost population growth is contradicted by data, as bigamy is not common among Indian Muslims. In fact, Muslims are found to be the least polygamous. The narrative of Hindus converting to Islam as a ploy to circumvent legal hurdles in pursuing a second marriage has been debunked by various high courts and key observations from the Law Commission report. This highlights the misinformation campaign against Muslims. The Status of Policing in India Report 2018 reveals a disproportionate incarceration of disadvantaged sections, including Muslims, emphasizing bias among police personnel in associating Muslims with criminality. Similarly, the Sachar Committee’s findings underscore the social, economic, and educational backwardness of the Muslim community, comparable to Scheduled Castes and Tribes, and more pronounced than non-Muslim Other Backward Classes. Despite these documented disparities, there is a collective disappointment over the non-implementation of the Sachar Committee’s recommendations. The prevailing political climate often avoids addressing these issues, with concerns raised about potential backlash or accusations of minority appeasement. The need for effective implementation of recommendations, unbiased narratives, and socio-economic progress through education remains crucial to dismantling these myths and fostering inclusive growth for all communities in India.
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