By Syed Zubair Ahmad
Maulana Maududi, the eminent Islamic scholar of the 20th century, known for advocating political Islam, once advised Indian Muslims to withdraw from political rivalry for a decade post-partition to prevent polarization of Hindu masses against Muslims. He believed that political assertion by Muslims would prove counterproductive. However, following the construction and inauguration of the Ram Mandir on January 22nd, it appears that Indian Muslims find themselves in a similar predicament as they did post-independence. Even after 75 years of independence, we face a familiar situation or worse, with an unprecedented surge in majoritarian politics fueled by the ideology of Hindutva.
With approximately 200 million Muslims in India, we stand at a critical juncture reminiscent of the post-independence era. The looming question is: What should be our course of action in the face of the formidable rise of Hindutva politics?
Many Hindutva leaders have previously asserted that India is incomplete without Muslims. Even figures like Mohan Bhagwat, the current head of the RSS, have reiterated this sentiment on numerous occasions. But what lies beneath this narrative? Essentially, it suggests that the presence of Muslims in India is crucial for their divisive agenda. Their entire ideology and political strategy revolve around the perceived threat of Muslims. They aim to instill fear of Muslims among the masses to further their agenda of Manuwaad, or the preservation of the caste system as per Manusmriti.
According to this narrative, without Muslims, there would be a potential conflict between upper and lower castes. The absence of Muslims, in their view, would eliminate a convenient scapegoat and disrupt the delicate balance that sustains the Brahmanical system. Therefore, the assertion that “India is incomplete without Muslims” serves as a rhetorical device to justify their discriminatory policies and consolidate their power base. It perpetuates a narrative of division and animosity, rather than fostering inclusivity and social cohesion.
The construction of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya has undeniably stirred a heightened sense of political fervor among Hindu masses, deeply entrenched in Hindutva ideology. The prevalence of saffron flags adorning Hindu households serves as a visible manifestation of this ideological alignment. It symbolizes a sense of solidarity and allegiance to the Hindutva cause, signaling a collective assertion of Hindu identity and pride.
It’s imperative to recognize that even if the BJP were to face defeat in upcoming elections (which is next to impossible), it wouldn’t necessarily equate to the defeat of Hindutva. Despite facing criticism for policies such as demonetization and mishandling of the pandemic, Prime Minister Modi retains a significant level of support, particularly among certain demographics (OBC, SC and ST). This resilience underscores the enduring appeal of Hindutva politics, which transcends individual leaders and parties.
The fact that migrant workers, who endured immense hardships during the lockdown, still voted for Modi illustrates the enduring influence of Hindutva ideology and the narrative of Hindu-Muslim polarization. Additionally, instances such as Tejashwi Yadav’s participation in Pooja and Akhilesh Yadav’s involvement in a grand Hawan Pooja signify a broader political landscape where even traditionally secular leaders feel compelled to engage with Hindu rituals and symbolism to appeal to the electorate. This trend underscores the deepening politicization of religious identity in Indian politics, fueled by the resurgence of Hindutva and the growing animosity towards Muslims.
The absence of Muslim representation within the BJP’s ranks, both in terms of parliamentary tickets and cabinet positions, is indeed a concerning trend that reflects a broader marginalization of Muslims in Indian politics. The disparity in representation becomes even more glaring when compared with the inclusion of Sikh and Christian ministers in the cabinet.
Moreover, Muslims’ underrepresentation in state assemblies and parliament further exacerbates their political marginalization, leaving their voices largely unheard in legislative decision-making processes. The demolition of hundreds of Mazars, Madrasas, and Masjids without any resistance from Muslim political or religious leadership underscores the perceived vulnerability and powerlessness of the Muslim community in safeguarding their religious and cultural heritage.
The lack of protest/ resistance against the alarming incidence of lynching, which continues unabated, reflects a sense of resignation or helplessness among Muslims, who may feel politically marginalized and unable to effect meaningful change through traditional channels of protest.
These factors paint a disconcerting picture of political irrelevance for Muslims in India. The systematic exclusion from political representation, coupled with the erosion of cultural and religious institutions, underscores the urgent need for concerted efforts to address the systemic marginalization faced by the Muslim community in the country.
The way forward requires a strategic shift from traditional “demand politics,” which risks furthering the Hindutva narrative of Muslim appeasement and alienating Hindu masses charged with Hindutva ideology. While it’s crucial to assert our fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution, we must adopt a nuanced approach that fosters political empowerment alongside other marginalized sections of society.
Any attempt towards political dominance or overt political activism runs the risk of further polarization and the consolidation of Hindu voters against Muslims.
Need for Ideological movement
We need do establish ideological movements disseminating core principles and values among the masses. This entails building a vast cadre base rooted in high moral and ethical standards, which forms the foundation for a robust organizational structure. Such political organizations must embrace collective leadership, accountability, and internal democracy. We should not encourage family-owned political parties. They operate as ‘business entities’ for their ‘owners’ and are inherently counterproductive.
Developing Self Support System
Establishing a self-support system is imperative, particularly for those in need of legal assistance. This involves leveraging our Zakat system and Waqf properties to generate substantial financial resources, thereby reducing dependency on external sources such as the Maulana Azad Education Foundation scholarships.
This is an opportune moment for introspection and self-assessment. By embracing this crisis as an opportunity for growth and transformation, we can chart a course toward self-reliance and resilience. Through concerted efforts and strategic planning, we can navigate these challenges and emerge stronger, standing firmly on our own solid ground.
India Muslims should rather withdraw themselves from the entire electoral process and concentrate more on education, skill training, and business & trade.